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What is the government doing with the Northern Ireland Protocol? The answer seems to be nothing soon Politics news

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The foreign minister said the situation in Northern Ireland was “very serious and serious”.

According to Liz Trassafter-Brexit the rules “make it difficult” by leaving some supermarket shelves empty; many businesses in Northern Ireland affected – while others “completely stopped trading”.

So what does the Boris Johnson government do with it? Despite all the rise in rhetoric over the past week, the answer seems to be nothing in the near future.

Article 16, a mechanism that would allow swift unilateral action to repeal the treaty agreed to by the UK in 2019, is not yet under consideration.

The Queen’s speech last week did not mention legislation that allows Britain to act without consent.

Today is just an announcement of future legislation “in the coming weeks”, but we haven’t seen the draft yet – and Liz Trass has only hinted at the provisions it will contain.

It will take about nine months, maybe a year, for this legislation to pass through both houses of parliament and into the statutes. Even then, the government will have to make a new choice or use its provisions.

There is even a suggestion from Liz Trass that if the EU changes its approach, the proposed law may never appear.

“I am very clear that we are open to a solution through negotiations,” Ms. Trass told the House of Representatives this afternoon.

In his response, DUP leader Sir Jeffrey Donaldson indicated he could keep an eye on the danger ahead.

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“This is not about repealing the protocol”

Giving a conciliatory statement welcoming the words of the Foreign Minister, Sir Jeffrey, however, stressed that the actions of the government are more important. He is right if he is careful – because no one can be sure where the government will be.

Even in her statement, Ms. Rabbit did not understand which of the two stated but incompatible goals of the government would have priority.

Is their aim to secure the series of changes in trade and governance in Northern Ireland that Mrs Trass has started teaching at the Chamber?

These include ensuring the receipt of almost all goods without verification in the new “green channel” and the fact that the UK will be able to set VAT rates in the Netherlands as well as in the UK, which is currently challenging under the protocol.

Some other items will be added to this cart in the coming weeks.

Experts say that at least some of this can be easily agreed with the European Union, although others will remain difficult.

Is the government aiming to restore the distribution of power in the Northern Ireland Assembly? This would mean that trade unionists – especially the DUP – would have to give a blessing to the government’s steps after months of harsh rhetoric demanding that the protocol be repealed rather than finalized.

This is a much tougher requirement – the DUP knows from the recent history of Northern Ireland that any notion of their compromise now threatens to be punished in the ballot box – a fate that befell the Ulster Unionists after Good Friday and was one of the reasons TUV intercepted some votes DUP in the election in Stormont earlier this month.

This major hurdle makes the deal between the government of Boris Johnson and Brussels much more difficult.

So why could the Prime Minister even think about taking a second, higher route, which would mean a much more inflammatory reaction from the EU and the possibility of tariff revenge?

Just because he is told that the right flank of the Tories will make life difficult for him if he does not.

In what used to be the European Research Group, there is tremendous resistance.

There are fears among unions and Brexit supporters that the government may be ready for a deal too quickly with Brussels to avoid the pain of a trade war that keeps much of the protocol.

Boris Johnson even called the necessary changes in the protocol “relatively minor.” Some in the ERG want to make it clear that there is an internal pain ahead of him if he goes down this path.

It is unclear whether this will work. But prepare for the skirmishes ahead.

As always, the choice for Boris Johnson, in the end, will be whether to overcome the pain of the quarrel with Brussels, which is pleasant for the DUP, internal problems caused by the dispute with Brexit supporters who planted him on Downing Street.

They are ready to campaign for scorched earth due to the fact that he refuses historical promises to streamline the protocol. The real situation in Northern Ireland may be accidental.

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